John Jay: Man of Order, Justice, Freedom
John Jay: Founding Father
by Walter Stahr.
Hambledon & London (London) 482 pp., $29.95 cloth,
2005.
Reviewed by John M. Pafford
John Jay arguably is the least known of the most significant
Founding Fathers. Yet at one time, he was considered by many
to be the logical successor to Washington as chief executive
of the new country. His résumé is the most
impressive of those who did not serve as president. Among
the positions he held were: president of the Continental
Congress, minister plenipotentiary to Spain, member of the
peace commission which negotiated the 1783 Treaty of Paris,
secretary of foreign affairs, co-author of The
Federalist,
first chief justice of the United States Supreme Court, and
two term governor of New York. In retirement, he was president
of the American Bible Society. Always, he demonstrated integrity
and ability.
With this book, his first, Walter Stahr has filled a void
in American historical writing and has surged into the ranks
of significant American historians. Not since Frank Monaghan’s
study of Jay came out in 1935 has there been published a
complete biography of this great but too little known member
of our founding generation. Stahr speculates on the dearth
of Jay studies, suggesting that his being the most conservative
of the major founders could have been a factor. He also came
to support independence later than most other key leaders.
Further, although a firm supporter of liberty and free elections,
he was suspicious of too much democracy. Finally, he was
a devout Christian. All these points are accurate, but the
neglect of Jay may be more attributable to his not being
a military leader, a president, or a colorful character about
whom juicy scandals could be related.
Stahr discusses Jay’s slow evolution to support of
independence. He was a conservative who believed, as Russell
Kirk later set forth, that a civilized society must have
order, justice, and freedom. The sequence is essential. Without
order, nothing can function. Once order is established, justice
can come into being and once order and justice prevail, freedom
can arise and flourish. Jay was concerned lest war come before
other options had been exhausted and that mob rule could
result from the policies and actions of some advocates of
independence. When he became convinced that nothing else
would secure freedom for the colonists, he became a fervent
supporter of the war. During the conflict, he served honorably
and effectively in the Continental Congress, culminating
in the presidency of that body, as a key counter-intelligence
leader, and as a diplomat.
It was as a member of the American team which negotiated
the 1783 Treaty of Paris which secured American independence
and ended the war, that Jay shone with particular brightness.
Five men were chosen by Congress. Thomas Jefferson declined
to cross the Atlantic then. Henry Laurens was captured on
the high seas by the British and imprisoned, only being released
near the end of the talks. Benjamin Franklin already was
in Paris. John Adams was representing the United States in
the Netherlands. For a time after arriving from Spain, Jay
was the only active delegate, Franklin being ill and Adams
delayed in the Netherlands. Jay insisted that the United
States be recognized by Britain as an independent country
from the beginning rather than having recognition be part
of the treaty. Stahr regarded this as excessive on Jay’s
part, that he was being stubbornly legalistic. “On
balance, although one can admire Jay’s patriotism in
wanting to see early recognition of America’s status,
one has to question his judgment in insisting that this be
dealt with as a precondition.” Since the British ended
up accepting Jay’s demand, even though negotiations
were delayed for two months, it is hard to fault Jay for
his stalwart defense of this country’s status.
Jay, along with Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, authored
The Federalist, arguably the most significant work of political
thought in American history and among the most important
in the adaptation of the core concepts of Western political
thought—order, justice, and freedom—to the United
States. In particular, The Federalist was vital in bringing
about the ratification of the Constitution.
Stahr also discusses well Jay’s tenure as the first
chief justice of the United States Supreme Court. Stahr,
though, does not rank Jay among the greatest chief justices.
Granted his record suffers in comparison with John Marshall,
but Jay does deserve ranking in the upper echelons of those
who held this office. He insisted on the independence of
the judiciary, doing much to solidify the separation of powers.
Precedents were established, such as the right of federal
courts to rule on the constitutionality of laws and their
having jurisdiction over the activities of foreign governments
on U.S. territory. He rejected Hamilton’s call that
he join him in attacking the Virginia resolutions opposing
the assumption of state debts by the national government.
As a Federalist, he agreed with Hamilton on the matter, but
did not believe that Supreme Court justices should be involved
in politics. During his four years as chief justice, Jay’s
integrity, dedication to the Constitution, knowledge of the
law, and ability established confidence in the Supreme Court
and in the other federal courts.
While serving as chief justice, Jay represented the United
States in negotiations with Britain over a number of issues
so contentious that another war was by no means inconceivable.
Considering the weak hand he had to play, U.S. armed forces
having been substantially reduced, Jay did well to avoid
war with Britain, secure the evacuation of fortified posts
they still occupied on American soil, and to gain some expansion
of our trade with British territory. Stahr concurs with most
historians that Jay did as well as anyone could have under
the circumstances.
Jay was a devout Christian, believing firmly in the Bible
as Divine revelation, and Stahr gives the depth of Jay’s
faith its appropriate place. Although Jay practiced his Christianity
by being faithful to his wife and by integrity in office,
he did not espouse, at least publicly, the national recognition
of Christianity—of God as sovereign and of His revelation
as normative for all areas including government. Still, though,
he clearly appears to have been a genuine believer in the
fundamentals of Christianity.
What, though, of the other leaders of the founding generation?
A convincing case can be made that this was the greatest
generation of political leaders in the history of Western
Civilization. A Christian worldview was evinced by the writers
of the U.S. Constitution, but how deep and how extensive
was their Christian belief? Scholars differ. For example,
Russell Kirk and John Eidsmoe believed that the overwhelming
majority of the fifty-five delegates to the Constitutional
Convention adhered to orthodox Christian doctrine whereas
Mark Noll and Harold O. J. Brown were far more skeptical
about the soundness of their beliefs. Certainly there were
men who were deeply Christian and those who were not in the
Christian camp. All had been influenced in varying degrees
by the clashing forces of Christianity, especially the First
Great Awakening, and by the disbelief of the Enlightenment.
What is significant in the consideration of their Christianity
is that there is no mention of God in the Constitution, no
statement of a covenant relationship between God and government
as is found in colonial documents such as the First Charter
of Virginia, the Mayflower Compact, the Fundamental orders
of Connecticut, the Massachusetts Body of Liberties, and
the Articles of Confederation of the New England Confederation.
Those who established these governments believed that God
revealed His will to guide not just the church, the family,
and the individual, but also civil government, that all should
acknowledge the lordship of Christ. They believed that people
are truly free only within the framework of an ordered society
based on Christian principles. Furthering the spread of Christianity,
obviously not by force, is a key responsibility of government.
By the time the Constitution was written, though, this doctrine
had been eroded by Enlightenment secularism to the extent
that the Preamble to this document attributed the founding
authority to “We the People of the United States,” a
far cry from the Mayflower Compact recognition of purpose: “Having
undertaken, for the Glory of God and advancement of the Christian
Faith . . . .” Popular sovereignty now replaced that
of God.
Some, such as Pat Robertson and Clarence Carson do not regard
the omission as significant, that it was not appropriate
or necessary to do so. This thinking is totally different
from that of those who wrote the colonial documents alluded
to previously. Rousas Rushdoony wrote in This
Independent Republic: Studies in the Nature and Meaning of
American History that:
When reference is made to the Christian nature of the United
States, the objection immediately raised is the absence of
reference to Christianity. The Constitution would never have
been ratified had such a reference been made . . . .
His point was that opposition to a national state church
motivated this conviction. Maybe so, but it is more likely
that a weakening of Christian convictions was the culprit.
Still, all things considered, the United States Constitution
is a remarkable political achievement, worthy of respect
and emulation. There remains, though, the glaring absence
of any acknowledgement of God and of Christianity as the
basis of public order. A state church would not be advisable,
or indeed possible, since we have a multitude of denominations
in this country. A revival of Christianity, though, could
lead to a renewed understanding of Christian foundations
of our national government (with freedom for dissenters),
correcting the omission of 1787, and reasserting the principle
of Christian government.
In summation, Walter Stahr’s biography is well worth
buying and reading. We long have needed a thorough study
of this outstanding leader from what was our greatest generation
of leaders.
John M. Pafford teaches at Northwood University.